Last week saw the end of the Abu
Qatada saga, with him being deported back to his native Jordan.
The tabloid press were overjoyed
that this individual had finally been removed from the country. And, they said,
he would have gone a lot sooner had it not been for human rights. Some of the Conservative
members of the Coalition Government agreed with this. They are determined to
change the influence of human rights law so we can deport people as and when we
like.
So what really was the issue and do
human rights deserve to be criticised?
The Relevant Facts
The Abu Qatada saga is a long and
complex one. For these purposes the following facts are sufficient. Abu Qatada
is a dangerous terrorist. He has been convicted twice in his native Jordan for
serious terrorist offences, both times in his absence. He was sentenced to life
imprisonment with 15 years hard labour.
The UK Government wanted to
deport Qatada back to Jordan because he is dangerous. It started the process of
trying to deport him in 2002. He has spent most of the intervening time in
prison awaiting deportation.
So what prevented the Government
from deporting Qatada?
Human Rights Law: Torture and Fair Trials
Article 3 of the European
Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) provides that ‘no one shall be subjected to
torture or to inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment’.
This means that in any country
which has signed the Convention an individual cannot be tortured. In a number
of cases the question arose of whether an individual could be sent to a country
where they would likely be tortured. After all, if it is unacceptable to
torture an individual why should it be acceptable to send an individual to a
country where we know they are going to be tortured?
In the case of Chahal
v United Kingdom (1996) the
European Court of Human Rights held that, even in the case of a suspected
terrorist, an individual cannot be deported from a country if there are
substantial grounds for believing there is a real risk of them being subjected
to torture. So, when an individual is likely to be tortured when they are
returned home, we cannot remove them.
The Government knew that this
case would be problematic in its attempt to remove Qatada, because it was
widely accepted that torture was used in Jordan. If there was a real risk
Qatada would be tortured then he could not be removed on human rights grounds.
To avoid this, the Government signed a ‘Memorandum of Understanding’ (MOU) with
the Jordanian government, an agreement that Qatada would not be tortured if he
was deported.
Armed with this MOU the
Government sought to deport Qatada. However, he appealed arguing that he would
be tortured. He also argued that to deport him would breach his right to a fair
trial under Article 6 of the ECHR. He said that this right would be breached because
any trial he would face in Jordan would allow evidence to be used against him that
was obtained by torturing others. The argument was similar to the argument
under Article 3. If we would not allow evidence obtained by torture to be used
in a country that has signed the Convention then why should we allow an
individual to be sent to a country where exactly this might happen?
The House of Lords (the highest
court in the UK at the time) agreed that deporting someone in these circumstances
could potentially breach Article 6. It held, in RB
(Algeria) v Secretary of State for the Home Department (2009), that to deport someone where there are
substantial grounds for believing that the individual would be exposed to a
real risk of being subjected to ‘a flagrant denial of justice’ would violate Article
6. While it accepted that being subject to a trial which admitted evidence
obtained by torture could satisfy this test, it found there was no risk of this
happening on the facts. It therefore said Qatada’s deportation would be lawful.
Qatada appealed to the European
Court of Human Rights (Othman
v United Kingdom (2012)), making
the same arguments about Articles 3 and 6. The Court dismissed the appeal on
Article 3; it held that the MOU was a sufficient assurance that Qatada would
not be tortured if deported. Therefore there was no breach of Article 3 by
deporting him.
However, for the first time in
the Court’s history, it held that deporting Qatada would breach his right to a
fair trial under Article 6 because there were
substantial grounds for believing that evidence obtained by torture would
be used in the trial against him and this would be a flagrant denial of
justice. Qatada’s deportation was therefore blocked.
Following this the Government
sought further assurances from Jordan that it would not use evidence obtained
by torture. Once it had done this it tried again to deport Qatada again. This
time the Special Immigration Appeals Commission (a UK court) ruled that there
was still a real risk of evidence obtained by torture being used, so
deportation was blocked on Article 6 grounds. The Government appealed to the
Court of Appeal and lost. It then looked to appeal to the Supreme Court (the
House of Lords’ replacement).
However, in May, Qatada surprised
everyone and announced that he would leave the UK voluntarily if a treaty was
signed by the UK and Jordan guaranteeing him a fair trial that would not use
torture evidence. Unsurprisingly, the treaty was enacted rapidly, and, on 7 July,
Qatada left the UK for Jordan, where he is to now face terror charges.
Human Rights Gone Wrong?
Having examined the decisions then,
the question is have human rights gone wrong? Did they wrongly protect Qatada?
The answer must surely be no. Few are likely to argue that we should subject
people to torture, or the product of it. Aside from striking at the core of a
democratic society, it often produces evidence of negligible value; who would
not say what they thought their torturer would want them to say to stop the
torture?
Human rights often protect
disliked minorities in society. But that is the whole point of them. They
protect anyone who is in danger of
being subject to inhuman treatment. The UK is rightly regarded as the pinnacle
of justice, fairness and democracy. We set the highest standards in the world
that other countries are judged by. We
should be proud of that. I accept that over a million pounds of public money in
legal fees to remove an individual is a huge sum, but it is a small price to
pay for justice. If you disagree, I trust you would be prepared to face a
Jordanian trial?
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